Author: Wi-Vun T. Chiung

The Tonal Comparisons and Contrasts between Taiwanese and Taiwan Mandarin
February 18, 1999									Wi-Vun Taiffalo Chiung					Email: taiffalo@mail.utexas.edu	
 										The University of Texas at Arlington			Homepage: www.cyberramp.net/~taiffalo

1.	Introduction
1.1.	Purpose of the study
1.2.	Traditional tonal categories 
A: Traditional Taiwanese tonal categories according to Cheng.

Samples

君
[kun]
gentle

滾
[kun]
boil

棍
[kun]
stick

骨
[kut]
bone

裙
[kun]
skirt

-

近
[kun]
near

滑
[kut]
slippery

Traditional Tone Categories

陰平
im-peng

陰上
im-siong

陰去
im-khi

陰入
im-jip

陽平
iong-peng

陽上
iong-siong

陽去
iong-khi

陽入
iong-jip

Traditional Tone Numbers | 1st | 2nd | 3rd | 4th | 5th | 6th | 7th | 8th
Tonal Values of Five Scales | 55 | 53 | 21 | 32 | 13 | | 33 | 54
Graphical Five Scales | | | | | | | |
Descriptions | Hl | Hf | Lf | Ms | Lr | | Ml | Hs
| HH | HM | ML | Mc | LM | | MM | Hc
H=High (or +High, -Low); M=Mid (or -High, -Low); L=Low (-High, +Low)
l=level,  f=falling,  r=rising,  s=short,  c=checked (when p,t,k,h in the final)
B: Traditional Mandarin tonal categories according to Chao. 

Samples

媽
[ma]
mother

麻
[ma]
sesame

馬
[ma]
horse

罵
[ma]
blame

Traditional Tone Categories

陰平
im-peng

陽平
iong-peng

上聲
siong

去聲
khi

Traditional Tone Numbers | 1st | 2nd | 3rd | 4th
Tonal Values of Five Scales | 55 | 35 | 214 | 51
Graphical Five Scales | | | |
Descriptions | Hl | Hr | Lf-r | Hf
2.	Methodology
2.1.	Method of Tonal Triangle Analysis (MOTTA)
Five criteria to be measured. Angle *1, *2, ROT (Ratio of Tone), BOT (Beginning of Tone), and DOT (Duration of Tone).
      Fo
												C(t3,fo3)

          A(t1,fo1)              *1 
                        
			  *4	  *2
							  *3
                       B(t2,fo2)
												Time

A: the beginning point of tonal contour
	B: the turning point (the lowest point of Fo) of tonal contour
	C: the ending point of tonal contour
1.2.	Word lists (only last syllable was measured)
T: 國軍, 水在滾, 真好睏, 排骨, 短裙, 命運, 路真滑.
M: 保溫, 作文, 接吻, 學問
2.3.	Speakers
11 females and 11 males. Taiwanese students at UTA. Average age is 27, ranging from 22-38. T-M bilingual.
2.4.	Procedure
4 repetitions of each word are recorded in a cassette🡪 PC with Computerised Extraction of Components Intonation of Language (CECIL)🡪 MS Excel .
2.5.	Data analysis
Paired t-test. 0.05 p value to reject null hypothesis.
3.	Results and Findings 
3.1.	Tonal descriptions of Taiwanese
The shape of T-tone 1 should be phonetically regarded as a slight curve rather than a traditional straight line. It's a slightly falling and then rising contour at an average of 0.776 degrees MOTTA of curve. The average ratio of falling length to rising length is 1.052.
T-Tone 1 | ROT | *1 | *2 | BOT | DOT
mean | 1.052 | -0.051 | 0.776 | 41.7 | 238
sd. | 0.051 | 0.183 | 0.021 | 0.7 | 171
highest | 3.272 | 0.274 | 2.040 | 47.5 | 385
lowest | 0.000 | -0.417 | 0.000 | 34.1 | 140

T-tone 2 is a high falling tone at an average of -2.057 degrees MOTTA of falling.
T-Tone 2 | ROT | *1 | *2 | BOT | DOT
mean | 0.041 | -2.057 | -0.691 | 42.9 | 118
sd. | 0.000 | 0.733 | 0.093 | 743.0 | 81
highest | 0.231 | -1.094 | 0.000 | 51.0 | 205
lowest | 0.000 | -3.890 | -5.291 | 35.7 | 50

T-tone 3 is a mid falling tone at an average of -2.767 degrees MOTTA.
T-Tone 3 | ROT | *1 | *2 | BOT | DOT
mean | 0.003 | -2.767 | 0.300 | 40.2 | 86
sd. | 0.000 | 1.218 | 0.090 | 0.9 | 83
highest | 0.063 | -1.146 | 6.296 | 48.3 | 165
lowest | 0.000 | -4.694 | 0.000 | 33.2 | 20

T-tone 4 is a mid short falling tone at an average of -1.338 degrees MOTTA. And the average DOT is 69 msec. My measurements reveals that there is no significant difference between T-tone 4 and T-tone 8 among the 22 subjects.
T-Tone 4 | ROT | *1 | *2 | BOT | DOT
mean | 0.063 | -1.338 | -0.294 | 39.8 | 69
sd. | 0.001 | 0.598 | 0.023 | 0.7 | 17
highest | 0.444 | -0.353 | 0.000 | 47.0 | 95
lowest | 0.000 | -2.545 | -2.578 | 31.3 | 25

T-tone 5 is a low falling and then rising tone at an average of 1.773 degrees MOTTA of curve. The average ratio of falling length to rising length is 1.916.
T-Tone 5 | ROT | *1 | *2 | BOT | DOT
mean | 1.916 | -0.538 | 1.773 | 37.8 | 227
sd. | 0.220 | 0.663 | 0.042 | 1.0 | 423
highest | 8.999 | 0.400 | 3.535 | 44.7 | 450
lowest | 0.000 | -2.555 | 0.000 | 29.1 | 35

T-tone 7 is a low level tone at BOT 38.0.
T-Tone 7 | ROT | *1 | *2 | BOT | DOT
mean | 0.091 | 0.296 | -0.048 | 38.0 | 257
sd. | 0.008 | 0.501 | 0.002 | 0.9 | 209
highest | 2.000 | 2.454 | 0.000 | 46.2 | 390
lowest | 0.000 | -0.070 | -1.050 | 30.5 | 110

My measurements reveal that there is no significant difference between T-tone 8 and T-tone 4 among the 22 subjects.
T-Tone 8 | ROT | *1 | *2 | BOT | DOT
mean | 0.184 | -1.229 | -0.124 | 40.1 | 76
sd. | 0.011 | 0.726 | 0.036 | 0.7 | 81
highest | 2.000 | -0.109 | 1.337 | 48.9 | 210
lowest | 0.000 | -2.934 | -2.864 | 30.4 | 20
3.2.	Tonal descriptions of Taiwan Mandarin
M-tone 1 is a level tone at BOT 38.2. M-tone 1 is phonemically regarded as high level tone in Mandarin tonal system, and it's said to be equal to Taiwanese tone 1. However, my measurements reveal that M-tone 1 should be phonetically close to Taiwanese tone 7 rather than T-tone1. It would be better to describe M-tone 1 as a mid level (22) tone if we compare its BOT with other Mandarin tonal categories.
M-Tone 1 | ROT | *1 | *2 | BOT | DOT
mean | 0.000 | 0.727 | 0.000 | 38.2 | 262
sd. | 0.000 | 0.006 | 0.000 | 0.9 | 130
highest | 0.000 | 1.319 | 0.000 | 44.3 | 360
lowest | 0.000 | 0.207 | 0.000 | 30.8 | 180

M-tone 2 is traditionally regarded as a rising tone, but my measurements reveal that it should be a falling and then rising tone at an average of 1.567 degrees MOTTA of curve. And the average ratio of falling length to rising length is 1.079. It would be better to describe M-tone 2 as a mid falling-rising (212) tone based on my phonetic measurements.
M-Tone 2 | ROT | *1 | *2 | BOT | DOT
mean | 1.079 | 0.182 | 1.567 | 36.4 | 244
sd. | 0.046 | 0.096 | 0.597 | 1.0 | 297
highest | 4.125 | 6.454 | 17.544 | 43.1 | 440
lowest | 0.000 | -0.702 | 0.000 | 28.2 | 110

M-tone 3 is traditionally described as a falling and then rising tone. But, my measurements reveal that it should be a falling tone at an average of -1.8 degrees MOTTA of falling. It would be better to describe M-tone 3 as a mid falling (31) tone based on my phonetic measurements.
M-Tone 3 | ROT | *1 | *2 | BOT | DOT
mean | 0.357 | -1.800 | 0.230 | 40.2 | 134
sd. | 0.070 | 0.029 | 0.028 | 0.8 | 189
highest | 5.377 | -0.353 | 3.260 | 46.3 | 295
lowest | 0.000 | -3.352 | 0.000 | 32.0 | 50

M-tone 4 is traditionally regarded as a high falling tone. But, my measurements reveal that it's a rising and then falling tone (453) at an average of -2.524 degrees MOTTA of curve. And the average ratio of rising length to falling length is 0.45.
M-Tone 4 | ROT | *1 | *2 | BOT | DOT
mean | 0.450 | -0.960 | -2.524 | 42.2 | 153
sd. | 0.003 | 0.015 | 0.032 | 0.9 | 140
highest | 1.071 | 0.079 | 0.000 | 47.0 | 265
lowest | 0.000 | -1.957 | -3.640 | 33.8 | 65
3.3.	Similarities between Taiwanese and Taiwan Mandarin.
| | T1 | T2 | T3 | T4 | T5 | T7 | T8
M1 | *1 | - | - | - | - | - | - | -
| *2 | - | - | *2 | - | - | *2 | *2
| ROT | - | - | ROT | - | - | ROT | -
| BOT | - | - | - | - | BOT | BOT | -
| DOT | - | - | - | - | - | DOT | -
M2 | *1 | *1 | - | - | - | - | *1 | -
| *2 | *2 | - | *2 | - | *2 | - | -
| ROT | - | - | - | - | ROT | - | -
| BOT | - | - | - | - | - | - | -
| DOT | DOT | - | - | - | DOT | DOT | -
M3 | *1 | - | *1 | - | - | - | - | -
| *2 | - | - | *2 | - | - | *2 | *2
| ROT | - | ROT | ROT | ROT | - | ROT | ROT
| BOT | - | - | BOT | BOT | - | - | BOT
| DOT | - | DOT | - | - | - | - | -
M4 | *1 | - | - | - | - | - | - | *1
| *2 | - | - | - | - | - | - | -
| ROT | - | - | - | - | - | - | -
| BOT | BOT | BOT | - | - | - | - | -
| DOT | - | - | - | - | - | - | -

| Tonal comparisons between Taiwanese and Taiwan Mandarin
Taiwanese | T1 | T2 | T3 | T4 | T5 | T7 | T8
Mandarin | M2 | M3(M4) | M3 | M3 | M2 | M1 | M3
The table above will be helpful for learning Taiwanese tonemes through the tonal comprehension of Taiwan Mandarin. When learning Taiwanese 1^st tone, learners in Taiwan were taught to catch it through Taiwan Mandarin tone 1. But, my study surprised me that T-tone 1 is phonetically close to M-tone 2 rather than M-tone 1. T-tone 4 and T-tone 8 are checked tones, which don't occur in Taiwan Mandarin. Therefore, the duration of M-tone 3 must be short while learning T-tone 4 and T-tone 8 through the comprehension of M-tone 3.
3.4.	Summary of new tonal descriptions.
New Tonemes or Alltones? 
New descriptions of Taiwanese tonemes based on my findings.
Traditional Tone Numbers | 1st | 2nd | 3rd | 4th | 5th | 6th | 7th | 8th
Tonal Values of Five Scales | 434 | 53 | 31 | 32 | 212 | - | 22 | 32
New descriptions of Taiwan Mandarin tonemes based on my findings.
Traditional Tone Numbers | 1st | 2nd | 3rd | 4th
Tonal Values of Five Scales | 22 | 212 | 31 | 453
4.	Conclusion
My measurements reveal that all the Taiwanese tonal categories except the low level Toneme 7, share falling departures with either rising or falling endings. And all the Taiwan Mandarin tonal categories except the mid level toneme 1, share falling departures with either rising or falling endings.
In comparing Taiwanese with Taiwan Mandarin, both of these two languages share the falling departures. We may assume there is a falling tendency in both Taiwanese and Taiwan Mandarin. The factor that caused the Beijing Mandarin Toneme 2 and Toneme 3 to switch to Taiwan Mandarin Toneme 2 and Toneme 3 might be the falling tendency. The falling tendency of Taiwan Mandarin might be the influence of Taiwanese. 
	In short, we may predict that the Taiwanese 1^st toneme will become a high falling and then rising tone in contrast with the low falling and rising (212) of the Taiwanese 5^th toneme. In addition, we may predict that the Mandarin 2^nd toneme in Taiwan is becoming a falling-rising (212) tone. The Mandarin 3^rd toneme in Taiwan is becoming a falling (31) tone.  
5.	Suggestions for further studies
��	Redesign word lists to consider preceding tones in different combinations. This will be useful for understanding the influences of preceding tones on a measurable syllable.
��	Contrast Taiwan Mandarin with Beijing Mandarin, to see whether there are any tonal shifts from Beijing to Taiwan.
��	Examine Taiwanese-only and Taiwan Mandarin-only speakers, and then compare them with T-M bilingual speakers. 
��	How do Taiwanese and Mandarin listeners recognize different tonal categories?
Selected References
Ang, Ui-jin. (洪惟仁) 1985. 台灣河佬語聲調研究(The tonal study of Taiwanese) Taipei: Independence Press.
Chao, Y. R. 1994. 中國話的文法(A Grammar of Spoken Chinese). Taiwan edition. Taipei: Student Press. 
Cheng, Robert. (鄭良偉) 1977. 台灣福建話的語音結構及標音法 (Phonological Structure and Romanization of Taiwanese Hokkian). Taipei: Student Press.
Cheng, Robert. (鄭良偉) 1997. 台語的語音與詞法(Taiwanese Phonology and Morphology). Taipei: Yuanliou Press.
Norman, Jerry. 1988. Chinese. Cambridge University Press.
Ong, Ek-tet. (王育德) 1993. 台灣話講座 (Essays on Taiwanese). Taipei: Independence Press.
Tseng, Chin-Chin. 1995. Taiwanese Prosody: An Integrated Analysis of Acoustic and Perceptual Data. University of Hawaii.
Weingartner, F. F. 1970. Tones in Taiwanese. Taipei: Ching Hua Press.

This paper was presented at 
The sixth Annual UTA Student Conference in Linguistics
By Wi-Vun Taiffalo Chiung